martes, 4 de noviembre de 2014

The Bill for Cybersecurity: $57,600 a Year (BusinessWeek)

 

Hackers have made the Internet a scary place to do business, as recent headlines attest. Big companies have been hacked. Small companies have been hacked. As the Pew Research Internet Project reported earlier this week, cyberattacks are likely toget worse.
How much should a small business spend to protect against cyber villains? I asked Eric Montague, president of Executech, an IT firm in South Jordan, Utah, for an estimate. While the answer will vary, depending on the type of business—not to mention the relative optimism of its owner—Montague’s response offers a useful baseline: Some $57,600 a year for a 50-employee company.
Here’s how that estimate breaks down. Montague says his firm would typically recommend secure e-mail hosting at $12.95 per employee per month, an antivirus service costing $3 per employee per month, and online backup at 50¢ per gigabyte. Throw in a secure Internet phone system for $20 per user per month, labor costs for an outsourced IT department at $52.50 per worker per month, and Montague’s monthly estimate for a 50-employee company comes to about $4,800, or $57,600 annually.
Businesses that need less hand-holding from IT staff can cut down those costs, which will help them afford some other services they may need. That may include a new firewall; a good one can run to $1,200 and last five years, Montague says.
They may also need the cyber insurance policies that an increasing number of insurers offer. Those products vary, based on the specifics of businesses that are shopping for insurance and the types of coverage they’re seeking. Deborah Kostroun, a spokeswoman for specialty insurance company Beazley, says that a retailer with $10 million in annual revenue might pay $2,000 a year for a cyber policy that covers up to $1 million in breach response and third-party liability.
All of this adds up to a pretty penny, especially for small business owners who take a cautious view of the overall economy. No amount of security software can guarantee that your business won’t get hacked. If you’re looking for a bright side, there’s this: As demand for cybersecurity increases, increased competition among suppliers may bring prices down.
Clark is a reporter for Bloomberg Businessweek covering small business and entrepreneurship.

lunes, 3 de noviembre de 2014

38th Annual Conference on the Caribbean and Central America : November 19-21, 2014























For questions on registration, discount codes, and media passes, contact Gwendolyn Siegel at gsiegel@c-caa.org. Exhibit space is filling up, so if you are interested in being a part of this, please contact her for booth pricing and availability.

Sponsorship Opportunities are also available. Please contact Nathan Tuebner (ntuebner@c-caa.org) for more information. 

viernes, 31 de octubre de 2014

FTC: AT&T promised unlimited data, but throttled mobile customers (InfoWorld)

Mobile customers who exceeded a monthly data cap had their connections slowed by as much as 90 percent, the agency says


AT&T has misled millions of its mobile customers by promising unlimited data plans, then charging them and reducing their data speeds after they reach a monthly cap, the U.S. Federal Trade Commission said in a complaint announced Tuesday.

Some AT&T mobile customers had their data speeds reduced by nearly 90 percent after reaching a monthly data cap, the FTC said.
The company failed to adequately disclose to customers on "unlimited" data plans that it would reduce speeds after they reach the monthly cap, the FTC said in a news release. AT&T reduced data speeds to the point that many common mobile phone applications, including Web browsing, GPS navigation and streaming video, became difficult or nearly impossible, the agency alleged.
"AT&T promised its customers 'unlimited' data, and in many instances, it has failed to deliver on that promise," FTC Chairwoman Edith Ramirez said in a statement. "The issue here is simple: 'Unlimited' means unlimited."
The FTC, in its lawsuit, is asking AT&T to repay millions of dollars in charges related to the data caps, Ramirez said during a press conference.
AT&T questioned the allegations in the FTC complaint, filed in U.S. District Court for the Northern District of California in San Francisco.
"The FTC's allegations are baseless and have nothing to do with the substance of our network management program," AT&T general counsel Wayne Watts said in a statement. "It's baffling as to why the FTC would choose to take this action against a company that, like all major wireless providers, manages its network resources to provide the best possible service to all customers, and does it in a way that is fully transparent and consistent with the law and our contracts."
AT&T has been transparent with its customers, Watts added. The company has informed customers about its network management practices on their bills, and AT&T issued a press release about its network management methods in July 2011, he said.
AT&T uses the data-throttling program with only about 3 percent of its mobile customers, and the company notifies affected customers by text message, the company said.
The FTC contends that AT&T's disclosures to customers were "inadequate," Ramirez said. AT&T informed unlimited-plan customers of the new data caps in "inconspicuous" places on two monthly bills, and the company didn't adequately inform renewing customers about the data caps, she said.
The data-throttling plan has generated "thousands" of complaints, she added. About 14 million AT&T mobile customers subscribed to unlimited plans when the company began capping monthly data use, the FTC said.
AT&T began throttling data speeds in 2011 for unlimited plan customers, after they used as little as 2GB of data in a billing period, the FTC alleged. Since then, AT&T has throttled the data speeds of about 3.5 million mobile customers, the agency said.
AT&T's marketing materials emphasized that an unlimited amount of data that would be available to consumers on those plans, the FTC alleged. But even when unlimited plan customers renewed their contracts, the company failed to inform them of its data throttling program, the agency said.
Then, when customers cancelled their contracts after having their data throttled, AT&T charged them early termination fees, the FTC said.
The FTC's complaint charges that AT&T violated U.S. consumer protection law by changing the terms of customers' unlimited data plans while those customers were still under contract, and by failing to adequately disclose the nature of the throttling program to consumers who renewed their unlimited data plans.
The FTC worked closely with the U.S. Federal Communications Commission while readying its complaint against AT&T, the agency said. In July, FCC Chairman Tom Wheeler raised his own concernsabout mobile data throttling practices, when he questioned a Verizon plan. The FCC also issued an enforcement advisory about network management transparency in July.
Grant Gross covers technology and telecom policy in the U.S. government for the IDG News Service.

lunes, 27 de octubre de 2014

Law Lets I.R.S. Seize Accounts on Suspicion, No Crime Required (New York Times)



Carole Hinders at her modest, cash-only Mexican restaurant in Arnolds Park, Iowa. Last year tax agents seized her funds.
ARNOLDS PARK, Iowa — For almost 40 years, Carole Hinders has dished out Mexican specialties at her modest cash-only restaurant. For just as long, she deposited the earnings at a small bank branch a block away — until last year, when two tax agents knocked on her door and informed her that they had seized her checking account, almost $33,000.
The Internal Revenue Service agents did not accuse Ms. Hinders of money laundering or cheating on her taxes — in fact, she has not been charged with any crime. Instead, the money was seized solely because she had deposited less than $10,000 at a time, which they viewed as an attempt to avoid triggering a required government report.
“How can this happen?” Ms. Hinders said in a recent interview. “Who takes your money before they prove that you’ve done anything wrong with it?” 
The federal government does.
Using a law designed to catch drug traffickers, racketeers and terrorists by tracking their cash, the government has gone after run-of-the-mill business owners and wage earners without so much as an allegation that they have committed serious crimes. The government can take the money without ever filing a criminal complaint, and the owners are left to prove they are innocent. Many give up.
The I.R.S. seized almost $33,000 from Ms. Hinders. 

“They’re going after people who are really not criminals,” said David Smith, a former federal prosecutor who is now a forfeiture expert and lawyer in Virginia. “They’re middle-class citizens who have never had any trouble with the law.”
On Thursday, in response to questions from The New York Times, the I.R.S. announced that it would curtail the practice, focusing instead on cases where the money is believed to have been acquired illegally or seizure is deemed justified by “exceptional circumstances.”
Richard Weber, the chief of Criminal Investigation at the I.R.S., said in a written statement, “This policy update will ensure that C.I. continues to focus our limited investigative resources on identifying and investigating violations within our jurisdiction that closely align with C.I.’s mission and key priorities.” He added that making deposits under $10,000 to evade reporting requirements, called structuring, is still a crime whether the money is from legal or illegal sources. The new policy will not apply to past seizures.
The I.R.S. is one of several federal agencies that pursue such cases and then refer them to the Justice Department. The Justice Department does not track the total number of cases pursued, the amount of money seized or how many of the cases were related to other crimes, said Peter Carr, a spokesman.
But the Institute for Justice, a Washington-based public interest law firm that is seeking to reform civil forfeiture practices, analyzed structuring data from the I.R.S., which made 639 seizures in 2012, up from 114 in 2005. Only one in five was prosecuted as a criminal structuring case.
The practice has swept up dairy farmers in Maryland, an Army sergeant in Virginia saving for his children’s college education and Ms. Hinders, 67, who has borrowed money, strained her credit cards and taken out a second mortgage to keep her restaurant going.
Their money was seized under an increasingly controversial area of law known as civil asset forfeiture, which allows law enforcement agents to take property they suspect of being tied to crime even if no criminal charges are filed. Law enforcement agencies get to keep a share of whatever is forfeited.
Critics say this incentive has led to the creation of a law enforcement dragnet, with more than 100 multiagency task forces combing through bank reports, looking for accounts to seize. Under the Bank Secrecy Act, banks and other financial institutions must report cash deposits greater than $10,000. But since many criminals are aware of that requirement, banks also are supposed to report any suspicious transactions, including deposit patterns below $10,000. Last year, banks filed more than 700,000 suspicious activity reports. Owners who are caught up in structuring cases often cannot afford to fight. The median amount seized by the I.R.S. was $34,000, according to the Institute for Justice analysis, while legal costs can easily mount to $20,000 or more.
There is nothing illegal about depositing less than $10,000cash unless it is done specifically to evade the reporting requirement. But often a mere bank statement is enough for investigators to obtain a seizure warrant. In one Long Island case, the police submitted almost a year’s worth of daily deposits by a business, ranging from $5,550 to $9,910. The officer wrote in his warrant affidavit that based on his training and experience, the pattern “is consistent with structuring.” The government seized $447,000 from the business, a cash-intensive candy and cigarette distributor that has been run by one family for 27 years.
There are often legitimate business reasons for keeping deposits below $10,000, said Larry Salzman, a lawyer with the Institute for Justice who is representing Ms. Hinders and the Long Island family pro bono. For example, he said, a grocery store owner in Fraser, Mich., had an insurance policy that covered only up to $10,000 cash. When he neared the limit, he would make a deposit.
Ms. Hinders said that she did not know about the reporting requirement and that for decades, she thought she had been doing everyone a favor.
Jeff Hirsch, an owner of Bi-County Distributors on Long Island. The government seized $447,000 from the business, a candy and cigarette distributor run by one family for 27 years. 
“My mom had told me if you keep your deposits under $10,000, the bank avoids paperwork,” she said. “I didn’t actually think it had anything to do with the I.R.S.”
In May 2012, the bank branch Ms. Hinders used was acquired by Northwest Banker. JoLynn Van Steenwyk, the fraud and security manager for Northwest, said she could not discuss individual clients, but explained that the bank did not have access to past account histories after it acquired Ms. Hinders’s branch.
Banks are not permitted to advise customers that their deposit habits may be illegal or educate them about structuring unless they ask, in which case they are given a federal pamphlet, Ms. Van Steenwyk said. “We’re not allowed to tell them anything,” she said.
Still lawyers say it is not unusual for depositors to be advised by financial professionals, or even bank tellers, to keep their deposits below the reporting threshold. In the Long Island case, the company, Bi-County Distributors, had three bank accounts closed because of the paperwork burden of its frequent cash deposits, said Jeff Hirsch, the eldest of three brothers who own the company. Their accountant then recommended staying below the limit, so for more than a decade the company had been using its excess cash to pay vendors.
More than two years ago, the government seized $447,000, and the brothers have been unable to retrieve it. Mr. Salzman, who has taken over legal representation of the brothers, has argued that prosecutors violated a strict timeline laid out in the Civil Asset Forfeiture Reform Act, passed in 2000 to curb abuses. The office of the federal attorney for the Eastern District of New York said the law’s timeline did not apply in this case. Still, prosecutors asked the Hirsch’s first lawyer, Joseph Potashnik, to waive the CARFA timeline. The waiver he signed expired almost two years ago.
The federal attorney’s office said that parties often voluntarily negotiated to avoid going to court, and that Mr. Potashnik had been engaged in talks until just a few months ago. But Mr. Potashnik said he had spent that time trying, to no avail, to show that the brothers were innocent. They even paid a forensic accounting firm$25,000 to check the books.
“I don’t think they’re really interested in anything,” Mr. Potashnik said of the prosecutors. “They just want the money.”
Bi-County has survived only because longtime vendors have extended credit — one is owed almost $300,000, Mr. Hirsch said. Twice, the government has made settlement offers that would require the brothers to give up an “excessive” portion of the money, according to a new court filing.
“We’re just hanging on as a family here,” Mr. Hirsch said. “We weren’t going to take a settlement, because I was not guilty.”
Army Sgt. Jeff Cortazzo of Arlington, Va., began saving for his daughters’ college costs during the financial crisis, when many banks were failing. He stored cash first in his basement and then in a safe-deposit box. All of the money came from paychecks, he said, but he worried that when he deposited it in a bank, he would be forced to pay taxes on the money again. So he asked the bank teller what to do.
“She said: ‘Oh, that’s easy. You just have to deposit less than $10,000.’”
The government seized $66,000; settling cost Sergeant Cortazzo $21,000. As a result, the eldest of his three daughters had to delay college by a year.
“Why didn’t the teller tell me that was illegal?” he said. “I would have just plopped the whole thing in the account and been done with it.” 
A version of this article appears in print on October 26, 2014, on page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: Law Lets I.R.S. Seize Accounts on Suspicion, No Crime Required. 




jueves, 16 de octubre de 2014

The Economy Is Finally Strong Enough for Small Business Owners to Retire (BusinessWeek)

The Economy Is Finally Strong Enough for Small Business Owners to Retire
The Great Recession made it hard to sell a small business. Retail sales slowed, making mom-and-pop shops less attractive to potential buyers. At the same time, banks tightened lending standards, limiting the pool of buyers able to finance an acquisition. Entrepreneurs who planned to retire someplace sunny resigned themselves to working for a couple of more years.
The time may finally be right to start shopping for Bermuda shorts. Quarterly data from BizBuySell, an online marketplace, show that the market for business sales has largely recovered. More than 5,700 businesses changed hands in the first nine months of 2014, the most since BizBuySell started publishing data in 2007. Sellers are also paying closer to asking price.
That doesn’t necessarily make this a seller’s market. More deals are getting done at higher prices, but revenue is also up. With respect to revenue, it’s cheaper to buy a Main Street business today than it was in 2010. In other words, business owners probably shouldn’t be rushing to sell for the sake of making a sweet profit. What the BizBuySell data show is that there are enough buyers on the market so small business owners can get a good price—and, by extension, that the economy is finally strong enough for mom and pop to retire.
Clark is a reporter for Bloomberg Businessweek covering small business and entrepreneurshi

viernes, 19 de septiembre de 2014

The Government Keeps Helping People Buy Failing Cold Stone Creamerys (BusinessWeek)



Would you loan someone money to buy a Cold Stone Creamery franchise if you knew that more than a quarter of those loans default? If you’re the U.S. government, the answer is yes.
Over the last decade, franchisees in the Cold Stone Creamery ice cream chain defaulted on 29 percent of working-capital loans backed by the government, costing taxpayers tens of millions of dollars, according to an analysis of Small Business Administration data published by the Wall Street Journal last week. The default rate for Quiznos, the sandwich chain that filed for bankruptcy in March, was 30 percent.
The franchising model offers would-be entrepreneurs the promise of a business in a box. Pony up some cash and get an established brand. Follow the franchisor’s instructions for running the business and sales should blossom—except when they don’t.
Cold Stone and Quiznos didn’t account for the worst failure rates, but their franchisees left taxpayers holding the biggest bills, with more than $72 million in charged-off loans between the two chains. Both brands remain eligible for SBA-backed loans, according to the website Franchise Registry.
Michael Serruya, chief executive officer at Kahala Brands, which owns Cold Stone, says in an emailed statement that the chain’s default rate was caused by “extreme growth” in the years leading up to the recession.  Quiznos franchises failed due to “high rent, increased competition, and economic pressures,” among other reasons, according to an e-mailed statement from Elizabeth Sapp, vice president for communications.
Why does Uncle Sam keep guaranteeing loans for franchises that so often go bad? The agency’s inspector general found little attention paid to default rates in a report(PDF) last year: “The SBA continued to guarantee loans to high-risk franchises and industries without monitoring risks,” the watchdog reported. That lax oversight makes the government partly responsible for allowing people to invest in risky franchises, says Keith Miller, chairman of the Coalition of Franchise Associations, a franchisee group: “Banks wouldn’t have made the loans if it wasn’t for the guarantee.”
Franchise loans make up less than 10 percent of the SBA’s main program, known as 7(a), and overall they perform similarly to other loans, according to SBA press secretary Miguel Ayala. Private lenders that underwrite the loans appear to have factored in franchise chains’ high default rates, and “in many instances have stopped making loans to franchises beginning to lose their momentum even before the SBA loans started defaulting,” Ayala wrote in an email. The SBA backed 26 loans for Cold Stone Creamery and Quiznos franchises combined since the 2012 fiscal year, for a total of $2.3 million, according to Ayala.
It’s also true that no one forces franchisees to take out loans. Why would anyone buy into franchise systems with such high default rates?
Buyers may fail to do enough due diligence, and the law doesn’t require franchisors to share a lot of information that might help them. For example, franchisors don’t have to disclose default rates or average first-year store revenues with potential franchisees.
Nor does the SBA publicize the data. The Journal had to file a Freedom of Information Act request to get it. A handful of websites highlight chains with records for poor performance, but those watchdogs’ warnings can be hard to find.
Meanwhile, chains have a lot of incentives to sell new franchises. Franchisors themselves get upfront payments for selling new units, as well as a share of franchisees’ revenue. If a store goes bust, the franchisor can resell the license and collect a new fee. Beyond the franchisors themselves, there are a bevy of consultants and brokers who talk up the franchising model, for a price. Banks also profit from selling the franchising model—especially since the SBA limits lenders’ downside by guaranteeing as much as 85 percent of loans that go bad.

Clark is a reporter for Bloomberg Businessweek covering small business and entrepreneurship.

jueves, 18 de septiembre de 2014

September Is the Cruelest Month for Restaurants (BusinessWeek)



If you’ve been noticing a lot of restaurant promotional deals recently, you aren’t imagining things—it’s a real phenomenon. The restaurant business falls off a cliff when Labor Day hits, the summer ends, and kids go back to school. That’s why all those companies have to start offering deals to fill the gap. That all-you-can-eatNever Ending Pasta Pass from Olive Garden (DRI) isn’t a gimmick: It’s part of a real business strategy backed by hard data.
 
Look at the chart below: The amount the average customer spends at casual dining establishments is worse now than at any other time of the year.

Matt Drewes, ‎senior vice president for national restaurant partnerships atCardlytics, says that with the start of the school year, “families are dining at home more and not going out as much,” in part to save money for new clothes and school supplies. “Restaurants take the hit from everybody else who makes money in back-to-school [time],” he says.
In the past decade, Labor Day has signaled a significant drop in the frequency of visits to restaurants. On the whole, the bigger chains have been able to combat that by offering promotions aimed at luring customers back—even if that means lower average prices. Their deals are designed to last only through those few weeks of softness. Notice the Endless Shrimp deal at Red Lobster goes from Labor Day until Nov. 2. And that Never Ending Pasta Pass only lasts seven weeks—Sept. 22 through Nov. 9. You can expect to see all-you-can-eat ribs, all-you-can-eat pancakes, 2-for-$20 deals, and other fixed-price promotions. “The bigger chains want to advertise an attractive price point and highlight in their commercials how families and larger groups of people should come out,” Drewes says. “They have created promotional events to fill the gap of fewer customers.”
Drewes estimates that 20 percent to 30 percent of guests are taking advantage of promotions. Most retailers are OK with that, making the tradeoff for lower average sales figures in order to get higher traffic.
As public companies, the major restaurant chains need to consistently drive up third-quarter earnings every year. That’s why they keep testing and tweaking new strategies to get people in the door. It’s very possible the $100, seven-week Never Ending Pasta Pass promotion at Olive Garden is just a test to see how people behave. Will customers come to the restaurant more than 10 times in the seven weeks, turning the promotion into a loss for the company? Should it have been a seven-week deal, compared with six or eight? These are the questions management is constantly working through. “It can’t be a big national campaign until they figure it out,” says Drewes. “Are we going to make money on this? That’s the question they always want to know.”
In the chart, you’ll see the rest of the year highlighted by peaks—such as Thanksgiving and the Christmas holiday season. Valentine’s Day is big, too—but the whole week gets the benefit as some people go a few days before or after Feb. 14 to avoid the massive crowds. Mother’s Day Sunday is particularly huge, and June features the benefit of school graduations and Father’s Day. But the next few weeks are a dead zone for restaurants—no holidays or special occasions to eat out. Unless you really like pasta.

Chemi is head of research for Businessweek and Bloomberg TV.